Qantas’ Stakeholders

1. 2. Qantas’ stakeholders Stakeholders are all groups and individuals who have an interest in the company being analysed. In order to focus on these groups which have the power to influence, corporate level activities have to be identified first. This can include large shareholders, governments and trade unions. The power and interest of those stakeholder groups have an impact on the process by which strategy develops at the corporate level and in each individual business. (Williamson et al, 2004, pg. 9) Qantas’ stakeholders are its shareholders, employees, customers, business partners and the community.Indirect stakeholders of Qantas would include academics, the media, governments and nongovernmental organisations. They all have a major influence on the business, its strategy and therefore its performance. According to the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales â€Å"the objective of financial statements is to provide information about the reporting entity’s financial performance and financial position that is useful to a wide range of users for assessing the stewardship of the entity’s management and for making economic decisions†. Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales, 2002/2003, pg. 22) Furthermore, it says that this objective can usually be met by concentrating only on the information needs of present and potential investors which are the defining class of user. That is the reason why I will focus on present and potential stakeholders in the main part of this assignment. http://www. grin. com/en/e-book/79856/business-deconstructed-qantas-airways-limited shareholders, customers, suppliers, employees, government regulators and members of the community where Qantas operates http://www. antas. com. au/travel/airlines/governance-structure/global/en Table 1: Qantas’ Strategic Objective Analysis| Stakeholder| Salience| Stakeholder demands/needs that must be satisfied| Strategic objectiv e(s) to address stakeholders demand(s)/need(s)| Shareholders| Definitive| * Profit Growth * Business Sustainability | * Profit Growth * Transparent Business| Customers| Definitive| * Quality Service * Cost Reduction * Diverse Route Access| *Extended Partner Base * Optimal Fleet Network * Operational Efficiency| Suppliers| Dominant| * Provide Constant Business * Strong Partnership * Positive Image| * Strong Relationship| Employees| Dominant| * Appreciation * Security * Competence| * Operational Certainty * Provide Staff Benefits| Government| Dominant| | | Community Groups| Dominant| | |

Dead stars Essay

The short story, â€Å"Dead Stars† was written during the American Colonization of the Philippines, a time when the modern short story, critical essay, and free verse poetry were introduced. English was the medium of learning, and became, as well, the language of the learned. This was also the time when utilitarian literature was slowly being overshadowed by the individualistic, modern view of creating â€Å"art for art’s sake†. Dead Stars by Paz Marquez Benitez (1894-1983), which came out in the Philippines Herald in 1925. This work, the first of only two short stories published by Benitez, is considered the first modern Philippine short story. It is a story of the frustrations, confusions, and heartbreak that arise from unrequited love. INTERPRETATION Dead Stars is a story about the fickleness of Alfredo Salazar, a man in his thirties who is about to be married to a woman named Esperanza after four years of their being engaged. It begins with Alfredo staring out from the open window, who is being talked about by his father and sister regarding his marriage and his love life. We are told that he was so in love, that â€Å"at the beginning he was enthusiastic–flowers, serenades, notes, and things like that–† towards Esperanza. But his sister has observed that something has happened to him, that he was no longer aggressive and perhaps, youthful. Their father then explains that it is normal, that long-engaged people are â€Å"warm now, cool tomorrow†, that Alfredo was having his â€Å"last spurt of hot blood†. Alfredo â€Å"fell in love† with another woman in just a few weeks of his â€Å"neighboring† to the Martinez Residence, where Julia Salas stayed for her visit. Julia too, seemed to have fallen for Alfredo, but both knew that what they had was against, perhaps, morality, and was subject to the scrutiny and judgement of the society. Alfredo, being an engaged man, should not involve himself with others. But he chose to live a lie, he believed he found â€Å"youth† and â€Å"heart’s desire† up in the hills with Julia. He always reasoned that † If a man were married, why, of course, he loved his wife; if he were engaged, he could not possibly love another woman.† But then he immersed himself in an illusion, in a dream that he can possibly be with Julia despite hurting Esperanza, and of course, breaking a lot of society’s rules. In the end, in his final encounter with Julia where the girl did not seem to respond to his last show of love, there he was redeemed from that delusion, that all along he was holding on to nothing; that all along he was looking at dead stars. REFERENCES: http://melonagrace.weebly.com/dead-stars-by-paz-marquez- benitez.htmlhttp://josecarilloforum.com/forum/index.php?topic=19.0

Resettlement Patterns in Spanish Colonialm System in the Philippines Essay

Spain and Portugal were the two superpowers who pushed through their ultimate goals to discover the rest of the world. These nations, with their greed for material wealth, set colonies in the Americas, Africa and East Asia to establish their powers to greater heights. Because of a high demand for exotic spices in Europe, Spain was forced to circumnavigate the world in search for the Spice Islands (Muruku Islands) with an ultimate goal which was to accumulate wealth through mercantilist trade and to expand the rule of Spain throughout the corners of the globe. Because of this, Spain met the islands of the Philippines. The rediscovery of our country by Magellan on March 17, 1521, marks a new age in our history. After this discovery, Spain sent various expeditions for the conquest and colonization of our country, namely the Loaisa expedition (1525), the Cabot expedition (1526), the Saavedra expedition (1527), the Villalobos expedition (1542), and the Legazpi expedition (1564). It was the Legazpi expedition which succeeded in colonizing our country and establishing Spanish rule. Spain had three aims in colonizing our country, namely (1) to spread Christianity, (2) material wealth, and (3) to acquire political glory. Under Spanish rule our country developed religiously, economically, politically, and culturally. Our land acquired a national name  ¬Ã‚ ¬Ã‚ ¬Ã‚ ¬- Filipinas. Our people came to be known as Filipinos. Towns, cities, provinces, schools, hospitals and charitable institutions were established. New plants and animals, the Christian religion and Spanish civilization, and new industries were introduced. Domestic and foreign trades with China and Japan were fostered. Communication and transportation were improved. Our country during the Spanish reign was a crown colony of Spain, in the sense that it belonged to the Spanish crown. From 1565 to 1821, our archipelago was governed by the Viceroy of Mexico in the name of the Spanish king. All officials, royal decrees, and troops for the Philippines came from Mexico. It was also the Mexican viceroy, not the king of Spain, who sent the annual subsidy to Manila to cover up the annual deficit of the Philippine government. In 1821 Mexico won her independence from Spain, so that from this year to 1898, Spain directly ruled our country. Spain as a colonizing power was marred by certain defects such as (1) inefficiency and corruption in the colonial government, (2) abuses by the friars, (3) racial discrimination against our people, (4) denial of human rights to Filipinos, and (5) inequality of Spaniards and Filipinos before the law. These colonial defects, however, were offset by the good things done by Spain in our country. By and large, we owe her a lasting debt of gratitude. She gave the majority of the people a great religion, taught us how to build more durable buildings, roads, and trade facilities, introduced new crops and livestock and better methods of farming, and brought our people into contact with the western culture. Settlement Patterns Before and During the Spanish Period During the Pre-Colonial period, the social unit in the Philippine islands was the barangay which comes from the Malay term balangay meaning boat. They were headed by a datu or the village chief. Barangays were generally small and consisted of thirty to one hundred houses and the population varied from one hundred to five hundred persons. The largest barangay was Manila which had two thousand inhabitants at the time of the Spanish conquest. Communities were coastal, near-coastal and riverine in orientation. This was because the principal sources of protein came from the seas and rivers; people rely more on fishing than on hunting. People travelled principally by water, the movement of the population were across rivers and along the coasts. Trails followed by the streams; neither roads nor any wheeled vehicles were there. It was in the coastal communities that were more accessible to traders where a higher degree of development emerged. A higher cultural level was attained due to contact with traders from China, India and Arabia. The economy of the barangay communities deeply relied on agriculture. There was an abundance of rice, coconuts, sugar cane, cotton, hemp, bananas, oranges, and other fruits and vegetables. Land cultivation was done through the kaingin system or by tilling. Pigafetta, the chronicler of Magellan, noted that there was an abundant produce of the land in Cebu as well as in Palawan. Productivity was increased by the use of irrigation ditches, as evidenced by the world-famous Banaue Rice Terraces in Ifugao. Aside from agriculture, pre-colonial Filipinos had other industries such as animal-raising, lumbering, weaving and gold and silver mining. The absence of a political unity involving all or the majority of the people of the archipelago allowed the Spanish conquistadores to impose their will on the people step by step even with a few hundreds of colonial troops at the start. The successful voyage of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to the Philippines was a prequel to the long term colonization of t he country under the imperialist Spain. The Filipino society, split up into numerous barangay units, faced the impossibility to put up an effective armed resistance against the well-equipped and prepared conquistadores; an almost â€Å"bloodless† conquest of the Philippines was then accomplished. It was Legazpi who in 1565 and thereafter succeeded in hoodwinking a large number of barangay chieftains typified by Sikatuna in quelling recalcitrant barangays with the sword and in establishing under the cross the first colonial settlements in Visayas and subsequently in Luzon.The kind of society that developed in more than three centuries of Spanish rule was colonial and feudal. It was a society basically ruled by the landlord class, which included the Spanish colonial officials, the Catholic religious orders and the local puppet chiefs. The masses of the people were kept to the status of serfs and even the freemen became dispossessed. In the classic fashion of feudalism, the union of church and state suffused the entire colonial structure. All colonial subjects fell under friar control from birth until death. In the material base as well as in the superstructure, friar control was total and most oppressive in the towns situated in vast landed estates owned by the religious orders. In the colonial center as well as in every province, the friars exercised vast political powers. They supervised such diverse affairs as taxation, census, statistics, primary schools, health, public works and charities. They certified the correctness of residence certificates, the condition of men chosen for military service, the municipal budget, the election of municipal officials and police officers and the examination of pupils in the parochial schools. The Encomienda and Hacienda Encomiendas are grants from the Spanish crown to a Spaniard to exercise control over a specific place including its inhabitants. It is from the Spanish word â€Å"encomendar† which literally means to entrust. Thus, a definite number of â€Å"souls† or inhabitants of a territory were entrusted to the care of an encomendero. The encomienda grant can only be passed up to the third generation and was then given back as the crown’s property. There were three kinds of encomiendas: (1) the royal encomiendas, belonging to the king of Spain, (2) the ecclesiastical encomiendas, belonging to the church, and (3) private encomiendas, belonging to private individuals who were rewarded for their services to the crown. The encomienda was an administrative unit with powers to collect tribute and to use the personal services of the inhabitants of their encomiendas. In return, the encomenderos were supposed to look after the welfare of the natives and to give them some education. Theoretically, each encomendero, in whose care a native settlement, was entrusted a threefold responsibility: (1) to protect the natives by maintaining peace and order within the encomienda, (2) to support the missionaries in their work of converting the people to Catholicism, and (3) to help in the defense of the colony. In return for these services, the crown authorized the encomendero to collect a tribute of eight reales or its equivalent in kind from all 19 to 60 year old males in the encomienda. At least one-fourth of the total collection went to the encomendero, another portion to the friars, and the rest to the government. What seemed to be beneficial for the natives’ development was turned the other way around. The encomienda system was generally characterized by greed and cruelty. The encomenderos exercised their powers to the full but for the most part ignored their duties and treated the natives as slaves. They saw the grant as nothing more than an opportunity to enrich themselves and used every opportunity open to him, whether in the collection of tributes or in the unlawful exaction of numerous services. Antonio de Morga writes: â€Å"They employ the indios in building houses and large vessels, grinding rice, cutting wood, and carrying it all to their houses and to Manila and then pay them little or nothing for their labor.† Regarding the collection of tributes, the encomenderos forced the natives to pay a higher rate of tribute; they collected according to their personal whim. When gold was abundant and money was scarce, they demanded cash or reales; when the reales were plentiful and there was scarcity of gold, they asked for gold even when the poor Filipinos were coerced to buy them. Encomenderos sometimes seized the entire quantity of his rice from the Filipino without leaving him a grain to eat. Many Filipinos died of starvation, especially during famine and drought due to the scarcity of rice and they were forced to eat coconut and banana shoots. If the Filipinos resisted, they were publicly fogged, tortured or jailed. The unjust collection of tributes was one of the primary causes of intermittent uprisings in the Philippines. Haciendas grew out of the encomienda system and the hacienda system is still being used today; however, haciendas during the Spanish occupation era were given as incentives to deserving Spanish friars who will act as land lords. It has the characteristic of a feudal system which was prevalent in Europe during those times. Encomienda and hacienda system were forms of colonial appropriation but they were never the same and one did not necessarily lead to the other. The exploitative relations are based on and grow out of the ownership by the landlord of the tracts of land from which the tenants derive their livelihood. The hacendero has the right of inheritance and free disposition, two rights not covered by an encomienda grant. The exploitations of the hacenderos are more disguised than that of the encomendero through a fiction of partnership, hence the term kasamahan to denote a joint venture and the reference to the tenant as kasama or companion. Instead of tribute-paying, the system denotes sharing of the crops in terms of sharing of risks. The hacenderos will most likely require the lion’s share of the crops but in terms of the expenses for maintenance of the hacienda, the tenants are to pay more. The Center and the Periphery of the Colonial System With the pacification of the Filipino natives, Spain made a colony that will supply the crown with goods for its financial gain. Spain did this by exploitation of the natives so as to produce a product surplus. With the help of the personal greed of Spanish colonial administrators, friars, and officials, the natives, though living in subsistence, were made worse. Bureaucracy in the Philippines during the Spanish period may be divided into different levels of administration, from the national, provincial, city, municipal, and barrio levels. On the national level, with its seat of power in Manila, Intramuros, the governor general (gobernador y capitan-general) became the spokesman and the representative of the King of Spain to the Philippines. He was the commander-in-chief of the military and the navy. He was also the vice-real patron who supervises the work of the Catholic Church to spread the gospel of Christianity in the colony. His great powers were checked by the Real Audiencia (Supreme Court), the archbishop and the civil officials who denounced to the king whatever abuses the governor general might have committed. On the provincial level, heading the alcaldia or provincia was the alcalde mayor for the pacified provinces and districts. The corregimientos or unpacified military zones were headed by the corregidores. Only a Spaniard can be an alcalde mayor or a corregidor. The city government was called as the ayuntamiento and was headed by one or two alcaldes ordinarios. On the municipal level, the gobernadorcillo headed the pueblo or municipio. A Filipino or a Chinese mestizo can be head of the municipio; this was the highest government position a Filipino could attain during the Spanish regime. Barrio government rested on the cabeza de barangay whose main role was to be tax and contributions collector for the gobernadorcillo. All royal officials had the responsibility of keeping peace and order. To check the abuse of power of royal officials, two Castillan institutions, the residencia and the visita were employed. The residencia was the judicial review of a residenciado (one judged) conducted at the term of his office, a visita on the other hand was conducted by an officer sent from Spain and might occur at any time within the official’s term. Residencia and visita were supervised by juez de residencia and visitador-general respectively; its objective is to ensure faithful and efficient service on the part of the government authorities. If proven guilty of public misconduct, an official may be fined, dismissed from office, expelled from the colony, or imprisoned. However, Filipino natives still didn’t escape the exploitation of the government officials. The tribute collectors often abused their offices by collecting more than the law required and appropriating the difference. Many who did not pay, or could not pay were tortured or imprisoned. Others fled to the mountains only to have their houses burned or looted by the Spaniards in punishment for their defiance. In addition to the unjustified tribute, men between the age of sixteen and sixty were required to serve for forty days each year in the labor pool or polo, a form of forced labor. The polistas were seldom paid and death lurked to them and their families. Still another exploitative device was the bandala which was a kind of annual quota for the compulsory sale of rice, hemp and other farm products to the government usually without payment and seldom paid at very low prices. BIBLIOGRAPHY Agoncillo, Teodoro A. History of the Filipino People. Eighth edition, Quezon City: Garotech Publishing, 1990. Constantino, Renato. The Philippines: A Past Revisited. Manila, 1975. The Philippine History & Government. Mobcco. Circa 1970s Riple, Simoun. Philippine Society and Revolution. 1970`

Annotated Bibliographies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Annotated Bibliographies - Essay Example This article tries to describe school facility attributes that affect academic outcomes the most and in what manner and degree. Indoor air quality, ventilation and thermal comfort as an attribute states that students perform well in accordance of the air they breathe. The quality of the indoor air on the other hand, is the most important as bad air in an overcrowded space could lead to involuntary â€Å"sick building syndrome† that is health problems associated with bad air and bad class conditions. Temperature and humidity have been attributed to the growth of bacteria and mold if the humid state of the classroom is not controlled. In the article the author, Sheerin et al. conducted a study in order to identify various elements of school design that impact the learning of students. The authors state that through the research they figured out that various elements of school design impacted the learning of students. These elements included the amount and quality of space available for teachers to teach. Furthermore the ventilation and temperature of the class even had a significant impact on the environment of teaching as well as learning. The author even states that the quality of lighting is one of the three most important factors that help in the development of a healthy learning environment. Other factors that impact teach and learning includes noise, acceptance of new technology, furniture and maintenance of the school. In this article the authors Nair et al. compares modern school designs with the modern public spaces and states that the modern school designs are unhealthy for student’s learning and development. The author criticizes the existence of corridors and states that instead of corridors schools should have more informal meeting places. This is because there is a higher need for students to spend more time on solving problems in a practical manner and spend time in

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Reactive and Preventive Healthcare - Essay Example Is it appropriate for an individual to show concern about one's blood pressure, once one suffers a heart attack Is it sensible to care about one's food habits and lifestyle, once a person develops a peptic ulcer Nearly 50 percent of the Americans suffering from chronic ailments could trace their maladies to faulty lifestyles and non-compliance with the lifestyle adjustments prescribed by the healthcare personnel (American Heart Association: Online). There is no denying the fact that in such cases, reactive healthcare is like purchasing an umbrella after the rains are over. This premise does not obliterate the relevance of reactive healthcare. Still, preventive healthcare is certainly superior, as it attacks a disease at its very genesis. There are some facts, which command a general acceptance in the local and global medical community, and do not require any statistics to achieve credibility. It is a known reality that cigarette smoking causes cancer, heart diseases and a plethora of other ailments. According to the American Heart Association, in the period 2000-2004, approximately 443,000 US citizens died of smoking related illnesses every year (Online).

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Starting Cookie Business - Assignment Example Debbi’s cookies were hugely popular amongst her relatives, friends and Randy’s clients and therefore could easily start a cookie business. Randy, as an economist was able to calculate the start-up cost and could contribute to the management of the business. Hence their skills were complimentary which was hugely beneficial for their future business. It was the popularity of Debbi’s cookies amongst Randy’s clients that gave birth to the idea of starting a cookie business. Her cookies were in great demand and Debbie believed that she could exploit her expertise in making cookies. Debbi’s goals were to bake great cookies and provide customers with a unique experience. Ensuring customer satisfaction through quality goods and caring and make them feel special was important for Debbi. Randy’s goals for the business was to make it successful by using technology to enhance information flow for effective decision making regarding operational efficiency, administration, and management of its various stores. He primarily believed that mechanistic work should be delegated to machines and people should use their creativity and skills to augment business productivity through direct input like interacting with customers directly. Debbi faced a huge dilemma while opening her second store of Mrs. Fields’ Cookies because she believed to be proactive in business and loved baking cookies and serving to customers. She believed that she should be involved in the business and with the second store, she would not be able to be in two places at the same time. She was not comfortable with delegation as she preferred to being hands-on! Her management style fundamentally relied on developing unique customer relationship based on trust and caring.  Thus providing customers with quality cookies and making them feel important were key ingredients.

Project Manager to develop a project plan for 2. ASEAN Ministerial Assignment

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Control of Flux in the Glycolytic Pathway - Essay Example In glycolysis, all the reactions that are catalyzed by phosphofructokinase, hexokinase, and pyruvate kinase are considered being virtually irreversible. These enyzymes would easily be expected to have both the regulatory, and the catalyzing roles. The enzymes will serve as a controlling site. All their functions are controlled by some reversible allosteric effectors binding or through the covalent modification. More so, the quantities of these vital enzymes are variable by the control of the transcription of meeting the shifting and altering metabolic needs. The amount of time that would be needed for the control of the reversible allosteric and the regulation by transcriptional and phosphorylation, is considered to be in seconds, milliseconds, and hours. In the mammalian glycolytic pathway, for example, phosphofructokinase is one of the most vital elements of control. Increased ATP levels allosterically inhibit the enzymes within the liver, thus reducing affinity for the fructose 6- phosphate. When the concentration of ATP is high, the hyperbolic curve binding of the fructose 6-phosphate will be converted to the signoidal one. This effect is elicited by ATP though the binding towards a specific regulatory site that would be distinct from the catalyzing site. The inhibition role of ATP, is reversed by AMP implying that the rate of activity for the enzyme will increase after the ratio of ATP/AMP is lowered. In this case, glycolisis will be stimulated once the charges of the energy are reduced. A reduction in the pH value will also stop the activity of phosphofructokinase. Once Phosphofructosekinase is inhibited by the hydrogen ions, excess formation of lactic acid will be prevented leading to a precipitous drop in the pH of blood. Thi s process is referred to as acidosis. In this case, some of the ATP will be salvaged from the initial ADP.

Case studies on performance management Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Studies on performance management - Case Study Example In order to improve her performance as a trainer we need to develop her procedural knowledge (Johnson, Star and Durkin, 2012). One way of doing it can be recording a class that is being conducted by her and then once she gets over with it, we can ask her to have a look at it while we discuss the shortcomings of the class that was taken by her. In this way she will get a good understanding as where she is lacking behind and where she needs to improve further. Performance is a combination of the declarative knowledge in which a person has the informative knowledge of his or her job role and procedural knowledge in which the person needs to understand the complete ‘know-how ‘of doing the job. She needs to be aware that simply delivering a training module will not be sufficient for her trainees to learn. She needs to make sure that her trainees understand the concept and learn to apply them in their daily work schedule. Only then can training be called complete. In order to do so she needs to be aware of the fact that she has to be very friendly with her trainees so that they can freely ask her ques tions if they have a doubt. She needs to have a two step process in her training module. The first step will be the lecture phase where she will be presenting or explaining the concept that needs to be learnt and understood by the trainees. This process will create a general understanding of the topics. She start her training with a brief introduction of the topics that will be discussed and then move onto the in depth study of the topics. In this section she should be open to questions and critics from the trainees. She needs to give them the leverage to be able to ask her questions no matter how stupid the question may be. Once the delivery of the lecture is over she should move on to the next phase of the training which will be the discussion phase. The will be a more of two way discussion. She will try to understand to understand the topic from her

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The environment incomparative and worldpolitics - Essay Example 351). It appears that policy-planners across the globe failed to forecasted appropriately, and this was reflected by a number of decisions including that to cut â€Å"agri-research,† when it was apparently no longer needed (Roskin & Berry, p. 352). The reason this topic is interesting is because food prices were normalized for a time, following the period of the Green Revolution, but as economic conditions have fluctuated, and the human population has exploded, food prices have become volatile. 2 ) McNeill’s main concern is on climate change, and he concedes that it is a combination of natural processes and man-made effects. However, he points out the important fact that it is not one grant event or decision that would tip the scale or â€Å"switch† of natural disaster, but it is due to â€Å"incremental increases† that calamities are caused (McNeil, p. 4-5). He recommends careful attention, since the term leading up to the threshold level of temperature, emissions, or other variable will be relatively calm, but that there can be literal hurricanes following this reference point. 3) Much of the focus in other articles has revealed that the power of balance between major nations such as Saudi Arabia and the United States hinge on the subject of oil trade. Thus, certain nations may mutually benefit when transactions proceed as planned and there are no shortages, but could erupt into an explosive situation where expectations are not met, or one or more of the nations concerned has some trouble (Roskin & Berry, p. 351). 4) Kasinof (2009) reiterates that environmental issues can cause much stress for a nation. The situation in Yemen is discussed where it is reported by a collective of researchers that â€Å"70 to 80 percent of rural conflicts are over water shortages,† revealing that much of the problems of the civil state can be traced to this type of debacle (Kasinof,

The Magnificent World of Coffee Essay Example for Free

The Magnificent World of Coffee Essay When you wake up in the morning and you do NOT feel like P. Diddy sometimes all you need is a big ole cup of coffee to jump-start your day. Coffee has gone by many different names, wakey juice, mud, plasma, go juice, jo, cuppa, the daily grind and brewtus. However, unlike the many names over the years, the feeling of the warm and welcoming liquids filling every inch of your body will always stand the test of time. Waking up can be the ultimate struggle. Just imagine a normal morning, lying in bed, dreading having to get up from the toasty little nest of pillows and blankets, eyes starting to close again†¦ drifting in and out of sleep: and then, the sweet aroma of fresh coffee beans being ground up make their way around the house, leaving neither room nor corner untouched by its delicious essence. Coffee can drive even the sleepiest bear out of slumber purely by its intoxicating scent. But nothing can compare to that first sip. How the hot liquid tickles the tongue, and slides down the throat, making sure to send shock waves everywhere, finally exploding throughout the body. Squinting through barely opened eyes, the sight of the richly dark contents pouring from the pot to the mug sends shocks throughout your body. Raising the mug up, eyes tightly closed, the smell travels up the nose. The strong scent immediately opens the senses and gets the blood running. The first sip does not disappoint. As expected, the hot liquid tickles the tongue, slides down the throat, making sure to send shock waves everywhere, and finally explodes throughout the body. The world has come alive. Most coffee beans come from Latin America, Southeast Asia, Africa and South Asia. With only seventy countries in total harvesting coffee beans around the world, it has become the most traded good, agriculturally speaking. This just goes to show how necessary coffee is in daily life. In fact, coffee is the most-consumed beverage worldwide. Just in America alone there are 100 million people who have had a cup of coffee this morning, 68% having their first cup within the first hour of being awake. Whether the coffee is homemade or bought from Starbucks, all coffee enthusiasts agree that they need that jump-start in the morning. Now imagine waking up, lying in bed all cozied up in a little nest of pillows and blankets, but something is†¦ off. Crawling out of bed, feet dragging, lumbering like a zombie towards the kitchen: but wait, where is the delicious aroma of that highly anticipated and routinely drunk morning coffee? Where is the divine sound of the coffee beans being ground up as the pot fills to the brim with that hot liquid that tickles the tongue, and slides down the throat, making sure to send shock waves everywhere, where it finally explodes throughout the body? The day, officially ruined, creates the tragic world that is without coffee. To the hundreds of millions of coffee drinkers, it is not just a drink that wakes them up: but a tradition, a way of life, a gateway into adulthood. No matter what the first cup of coffee was, no matter what it was called, no matter where it was from, no matter whether it was enjoyed or not, everyone will always remember what the first sip was like.

The Forgotten War Of Korea History Essay

The Forgotten War Of Korea History Essay The Korean War was a conflict between the communist North Korea, and the democratic South Korea. The Korean War is often referred to as the Forgotten War because it is constantly overshadowed by World War II and Vietnam. It is also referred to was the 6-2-5 War, reflecting the date of the start of the war. In North Korea it is known as Fatherland Liberation War, and in the Peoples Republic of China it is known as the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea. The fact that it is known as the Forgotten War, however does not mean it is any less important. While it is true that there was no real result to the end of the war territory wise, roughly 37,000 American soldiers paid the ultimate price for their country. This paper will briefly examine the general overtone of the Korean War and highlight the US military tactics and new technologies within the Korean War, with emphasis on one of the most important battles of the war, The Battle of Inchon. It will also briefly examine the hist ory leading up to the Korean War and recent events in North and South Korea (Korean War). Before the close of World War II, Korea was controlled by Japan, when Japan surrendered after the destruction of Nagasaki and Hiroshima, Korea was physically divided at the 38th parallel. Soviet Union troops occupied the northern half and United States troops occupied the southern half. The Soviets had modeled the Korea government after their own, a communist government (Korean War). While the US led United Nations had modeled the South Korean government after that of the United States, a democratic government. Nobody knew it at the time, but the Korean war would be the largest armed conflict of the Cold War (Korean War). The Korean War began on June 25th, 1950 with the North invading the southern, Republic of Korea. The United Nations was quick to disapprove. Two days later, President Truman authorized a military intervention by the United States. He committed the land, sea and air forces within Korea. Soon after, General McArthur was placed in command of an additional 15 nations forces. Early in the war the Peoples Republic of Korea met with little resistance. This changed, however when the US mobilized. The entire war was essentially a give and take in territory, push forward then fall back, push forward again and retreat again. By the end of the war, the front lines were very close to the 38th parallel. Some would argue that the war was a pointless give and take but the servicemen who gave their lives would quickly disagree. The United Nations, which includes the United States, the United Kingdom and several other countries has a count of 778,053 men dead, injured, missing or captured. While the Soviet Union, China and North Korea lost around 1,545,822 men. The total amount of civilians lost is estimated at a staggering 2.5 million lives. The United Nations forces, including South Korea, at the beginning of the war was roughly 1,207,010 men. This may not be entirely accurate because at the time the paper strength of the troops did not match their actual numbers, which were a bit smaller. The Soviets, Chinese and North Koreans had an average total of 1,212,000 troops. Which gave them a huge advantage, but they were unprepared for some of the United States more interesting attack plans. The Battle of Inchon, also known as Operation Chromite took place on September 15th of 1950 and ended 4 days later, on the 19th. Over 75,000 troops and other support craft landed at Inchon and quickly overwhelmed the small defensive force that was present guarding the village. The landing at Inchon is still revered as the most genius amphibious landings in history. When General MacArthur realized that the US forces were in danger of being pushed out of Korea, he proposed a dangerous counter attack, far behind the enemy lines. After countless hours of deliberation and meetings, it was decided. The Battle of Inchon was a go. The battle was preceded by a secret infiltration of the village. The reconnaissance mission, codenamed Trudy Jackson was a CIA and military intelligence joint mission. The objective was to gather intelligence about the geography of the village and landing site, and the enemy fortifications. They had reported back that the North Koreans had artillery set up at Wolmi -do island. Lieutenant Commander Arlie G. Capps, a gunnery officer on Admiral Doyles staff described quite succinctly; We drew up a list of every natural and geographic handicap and Inchon had em all. (The Inchon Invasion). Five days before the actual landing, US planes flew over the island of Wolmi-do dropping over 90 canisters of napalm. This cleared the way for the impending US invasion. Before the landing, the US Naval forces around Inchon shelled the landing site and Wolmi-do island to destroy the fortified artillery positions. The actual landing was divided up into three sections. Known as Green Beach, Red Beach and Blue Beach (The Battle of Inchon). Green Beach is a 200 yard strip of land on the northwest side of Wolmi-Do island. The terrain was mostly large rocks with sand patches and a ridge (The Inchon Invasion). Operations started at 6:30 in the morning on September 15th. The X Corps, 3rd Battalion 5th Marines and a few M26 Pershing tank elements from the 1st Tank Battalion landed on the north side of Wolmi-do island. Armed with flamethrowers and bulldozer blades, the Pershing tanks were easily able to roll over the North Korean defenses. The small Green Beach force had to wait until 7:50pm for the tide to rise again. They fortified their position by shelling, bombing and placing anti-vehicle and anti-personnel mines on the only bridge into the area. Once the tide was high enough, more Green Beach forces were able to land and help secure the foothold that they had gained (The Battle of Inchon). Red Beach was comprised of Regimental Combat Team 5 and the 3rd Battalion of the Republic of Korea Marine Corps. Commanded by Major General Raymond L. Murray, they scaled the steep sea walls with ladders. (The Inchon Invasion). Their objective was to secure a 3000 by 1000 yard block of land. Using LSTs (Landing Ship, Tank) which are smaller ships that carry mass amounts of troops on the deck and tanks below the deck. They were able to secure Red Beach and complete their objective (The Battle of Inchon). Blue Beach was under the Command of Colonel Lewis B. Puller. The Blue Beach landing site was much farther south than Red and Green beaches, as a result of this, they were the last come ashore. When they finally arrived, they split into two main sections, Blue Beach One and Blue Beach Two. Blue Beach One landed to the left, and pushed further left and Blue Beach Two had landed to the right and continued to push to the right. Blue Beach had suffered minimal casualties and faced minimal opposition since the opposing North Korean forces had surrendered by the time they got to the mainland (The Battle of Inchon). As soon as the North Koreans had been eliminated at Inchon, the supplies and reinforcements flowed in. They cleared the floating debris out of the water, and built a floating pontoon dock to deploy the rest of the armor. On September 16th, the North Koreans had mounted a response to the Inchon landing. They had sent six columns of T-34 tanks, with no additional support. Fortunately, they were spotted by US forces, a detachment of bombers was sent out to deal with the oncoming army of tanks. The T-34 columns took heavy damage and had lost most of their ranks. The US mobilized the M26 Pershing tanks and destroyed the rest of the T-34s in one fell swoop (The Inchon Invasion). Overall, over 40,000 infantry troops participated in the initial Inchon Landing, and the resulting Battle of Inchon. Supporting them from the sea they had 4 naval cursers, 7 destroyers and a huge amount of air and artillery support. The North Koreans had a very small contingent of battle ready units. Only 6,500 troops, and a meager 19 planes. As a result, they were easily defeated (The Battle of Inchon). Although many had doubted is success, the Battle of Inchon turned out to be a resounding success. It is considered to be one of the most successful and daring military operations in recent years. Inchon had moved the front lines, and cut off the North Koreans supply lines. The US troops were able to flank the North Koreans from the rear to clear them out of South Korea. Had the battles outcome been different, the US may not have been as successful as they had been in the war. If the Inchon Landing never happened, the US forces would have been pushed out to sea. The Korean War also saw the introduction of new technologies and weaponry such as the helicopter, while technically it was developed during World War II, it was never used in any type of life fire combat situation. The US Army had realized that it needed to get Medevac to the injured troopers as soon as possible to minimize their losses. Bell Helicopter had designed the Bell UH-1 Iroquois, more commonly known as the Huey. Classified as a utility helicopter the Huey can transport up to 14 troops, 6 injured troops on gurneys or up to 3,000 pounds of cargo. Even though it is classified as a utility chopper, it is still armed to the teeth. She is packed with two 7.62-mm Machine guns and 16 70-mm Air-to-Surface rockets. With a top cursing speed of 115 mph, the Huey is definitely a war machine. The helicopter in service before the Huey was the Bell 47 OH-13 Sioux. Recognizable by its exposed wire tail boom, the Sioux cant hold a candle to the Huey. Due to the bubble canopy, there was only room for the pilot and co-pilot. The Sioux could not transport troops, save for two gurneys strapped to the bottom. The Sioux was considerably lighter, armament wise. Armed with only two 7.62-mm machine guns, the Sioux was primarily used for reconnaissance and emergency medevac. Another revolution in the art of hand held weapons powerful enough to take down enemy tanks, the M-20 Rocket Launcher, or Super Bazooka was a massive improvement over the earlier versions, such as the M9 Rocket Launcher. The M20 could penetrate up to 11 inches of solid armor, whereas the M9 could only chew through 5 inches. The M20 also extended the range of the Bazooka another 150 meters. It also had a larger warhead, measuring up to 3.5 inches, or 90mm. The M20 Super Bazooka revolutionized infantrys ability to take out enemy armor. Yet another innovation that was used mainly during the Korean War and onward, the Mobile Army Surgical Hospital, or MASH unit saved countless lives on the front lines. They were a monumental success in the Korean War, if a seriously wounded soldier made it to a MASH unit he had a 97% chance of survival. Some MASH units were staffed with as many as 10 doctors and up to 20 nurses. The MASH units could be deployed close to the front lines so wounded infantry men could make it to the unit without losing too much blood, or allowing infection to set in. The last MASH unit was deactivated on October 16th, 2006. The end of the war was brought upon by a ceasefire signed on July 27, 1953. The armistice was signed by North Korea, China and the United Nations. Korea remains divided along the 38th parallel, where the war started. A DMZ, or demilitarized zone was set up along the 38th paralell. The Korean DMZ is to this day, one of the most well defended areas on the planet. Tensions have been rising and stability of the area has been threatened as North Korea develops its nuclear weapons.

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di